The red shadow of Peronism. The Rise of Myriam Bregman (Part Two)

MAY 17, 2026

EL SOBRANTE

By Ezequiel Gil Lezama

In the first part, we saw a brief history of Trotskyism in Argentina and the development of the PTS until 2015, when it became the leader of the left. Now we are going to see how that partycharacterisess the rise of Myriam Bregman and what successes she had to achieve such a thing. Let’s see.

The hegemony of the PTS

We said that the success of the PTS was to have made a correct reading of where reality was moving, while the rest remained tied to the classic trade union politics of Trotskyism. And we clarify that we speak of success in terms of the political continent of the left and according to its real objectives.

Like any strategy that is efficient, the PTS repeated the formula for the 2017 election,s where it paraded its hegemony by unilaterally announcing the candidacies of Myriam Bregman in CABA and Nico Del Caño in the province of Buenos Aires, that is, in the two districts with expected positions. To avoid another beating in the internal elections, the PO negotiated single lists, accepting that he would head the PTS.

The results proved the PTS right and the FIT held the best election until then, obtaining two seats for the province of Buenos Aires and having 3 deputies.

Confirming the good step of the PTS, in 20,18 the PO was broken: Solano’s purge can only be explained as the way to rescue the party from the shipwreck to which Altamira led it, that is, to take the step that the PTS took in 2015. The whole FIT becomes the PTS.

Myriam’s Rise

We have already said it, but it does not mat. Ignoringing that it does not follow a revolutionary strategy that does not carry out a revolutionary political action or anything in that sense, the political task that the PTS has carried out, from 2015 until today, is brilliant in its own terms.

I insist, I do not consider here whether or not he is a revolutionary, I only analyze the efficient way in which he achieved the hegemony of the left and, above all, he managed to transcend that micro-world and place two of its leaders, Nico and Myriam, on the front pages and go from the honest and sympathetic candidate worthy of ridicule because he gets the 2% to being a stone in the shoe.  at least in CABA, for the PJ and even to have ascendancy in the most progressive sectors of Kirchnerism.

Again, it is clear that the remarkable transcendence of the PTS, in general, and of Myriam, in particular (which is already more important than the FIT), is not due to a leap in the consciousness of some workers’ fractions or to a radicalization of them, fundamentally because neither the PTS nor Myriam express that.

What do they express? Let’s see what they say themselves.

The PTS characterizes the current stage as contradictory, where the «regime» is trying to consolidate a «historic adjustment» through Milei and the «positive image» of the leadership, headed by Myriam, is due to the consequent opposition to Trump’s «subordination to imperialism» and «complicity» with Netanyahu’s «genocide».

That this recognition is the consequence of «having put one’s body» in «scenarios of high conflict» where others «regressed.»

Which ones? The resistance at the door of Lustramax, the battle in Jujuy against Morales’ reform and the intervention in the trials against the military of the dictatorship, lists the PTS.

Well, if there is no delirium it is not a Trotskyist text, let’s think about that. It is true that there may be recognition of Myriam Bregman for putting her body on the line, for playing a role like Chapulín Colorado, but I doubt very much that anyone knows what Lustramax is, much less that the Jujuy episode is relevant. A priori the recognition could be that, like Norita, Myriam Bregman is usually on the side of just causes.

In the shadow of the PJ

But there is more, because they warn that the bourgeoisie is preparing the replacement and that this implies drawing a «clear dividing line» against the «moderate» opposition, that is, Kirchnerism. According to the PTS, the problem with Peronism is that it proposes a «moderation» that results in a «capitulation to the Roca and Bulgheroni groups» and that its «inability to denounce the proscription of Cristina Kirchner» or «question the judiciary» reveals a «fear of confronting the factors of real power»

Here is the mother of the sheep, one of the keys to the success of the PTS is the confluence, not only in the discursive, but in politics in general with Peronism.

For the PTS, Peronism is not part, as a political expression, of real power, no, it is something alien to it. That is why he accuses him of being moderate and capitulating to the bourgeoisie. But this is false, Peronism is not moderate nor does it capitulate to capital because it does not have the function of confronting it, not because they are cowards but because Peronism is the political expression of the «Roca and Bulgheroni groups» and of the workers’ fractions tied to those capitals.

On what basis is industrial capital reproduced in Argentina, both small and what they call «large»? State subsidies, protectionism, stimulation of consumption and the domestic market. And what policies are typical of Peronism? State subsidies, protectionism, stimulus to consumption and the domestic market.

Therefore, when the PTS gives Peronism a character that it does not have, when it separates it from its nature as a political expression of capital, it does nothing more than reproduce the unreal image that one sector of Peronism has about itself, that is, the fraction that makes up the class alliance that Peronism expresses and that is in tension with the other pole that forms that alliance.

So when the PTS reproduces that false image of Peronism, it places itself in the political continent of the same and that is why it has transcendence, because it expresses the interests of a part of the workers’ fraction that makes up the alliance with capital, an alliance whose political form is the PJ.

And he is so far inside the political continent of Peronism that he even accuses the PJ of not denouncing the proscription of Cristina Kirchner, that is, he accuses the PJ of not defending a criminal convicted in two instances. And convicted not for any crime, but for stealing money from public works.

That is, since public works are financed with surplus value from the workers, since public works are intended to improve the living conditions of the workers, corruption there means worsening the living conditions of the workers for the works that were not done.

So the rise of Myriam Bregman does not mean a leap in consciousness or a social radicalization because she herself does not express that. Myriam, in the face of society, is not a leader of a revolutionary party whose purpose is to take power and expropriate the bourgeoisie, no, she is an honest, fighting leader, who defends just causes and who may be perceived as a Trotskyist, but discursively and programmatically she is, at best, a left-wing Peronist.

This does not mean that it is bad politics, on the contrary, it demonstrated a formidable ability to personify the policy that the PTS outlined in 2015: to meet the demands of minority fractions, defend the state fraction and occupy the place left vacant by Kirchnerism, that is, to occupy the space of the center-left.

Therefore, as in 2015, 2017, 2021 and 2025, that is, if Kirchnerism is in the background in the 2027 elections, if Peronism adopts a language of fiscal prolixity and order, the PTS and Myriam will make a good choice and continue to dispute the space of the center-left.